# Nakafa Framework: LLM

URL: https://nakafa.com/en/articles/politics/merah-putih-cabinet-analysis
Source: https://raw.githubusercontent.com/nakafaai/nakafa.com/refs/heads/main/packages/contents/articles/politics/merah-putih-cabinet-analysis/en.mdx

Output docs content for large language models.

---

import { CabinetChart, CompositionChart } from "./chart";

export const metadata = {
  title:
    '"Merah Putih" Cabinet: An Analysis of the Influence of a Multiparty and Presidential System Combination',
  description:
    "Giant coalition forming an oversized cabinet, does transactional politics still play a role?",
  authors: [
    {
      name: "Shifna Zihdatal Haq",
    },
  ],
  date: "11/02/2024",
};

## Abstract

President Prabowo's leadership era began on October 20, 2024, and on the same day, the announcement of the
Merah Putih Cabinet was also made. This study analyzes the selection of ministers under President Prabowo’s
leadership amidst Indonesia's multiparty and presidential system. Using qualitative research from various
research sources, reports, and relevant data. This study finds that cabinet selection in Indonesia cannot
be separated from political intervention.

## Introduction

The "Merah Putih" Cabinet was announced by Prabowo Subianto at the Merdeka Palace on October 20, 2024,
immediately after he was officially inaugurated as President for the 2024-2029 period. The announcement
was made to the media, accompanied by Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka and the Gerindra Party
Daily Chairman, Sufmi Dasco Ahmad. Presidential Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 139
of 2024 on the Organization of Duties and Functions of the Ministries of the Merah Putih Cabinet for
the 2024-2029 Period outlines the composition of the Merah Putih Cabinet, consisting of 53 ministers
and officials with ministerial rank, including 7 coordinating ministers; 41 ministers; and 5
officials with ministerial rank, as well as 56 deputy ministers (Cabinet Secretariat of the Republic
of Indonesia, 2024).

In addition, during this inauguration, Prabowo appointed ministerial-level officials, namely the
Attorney General, the Head and Deputy Head of the Presidential Staff Office, the Head of the State
Intelligence Agency, the Head of the Presidential Communications Office, and the Chairperson of the
National Economic Council. This composition makes it the largest cabinet structure since the New
Order to the Reform Era. This oversized cabinet structure was not surprising for the public, as on
October 14, 2024, Prabowo summoned several prominent figures to his residence. On that date, Sri
Mulyani, Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono, Yusril Ihza Mahendra, Bahlil Lahadalia, and Muhaimin Iskandar
were present at Prabowo’s residence. Nusron Wahid, Saifullah Yusuf, Yandri Susanto, Fadli Zon, Prasetyo
Hadi, Natalius Pigai, Maruarar Sirait, Abdul Kadir Karding, and Teuku Riefky Harsya also appeared
in response to Prabowo's invitation. A total of 49 people met Prabowo from afternoon until night to
sign their willingness to serve as candidates for Prabowo’s government ministers (BBC, 2024).

This oversized cabinet has sparked various assumptions among different segments of society. One
suspicion for the size of this cabinet is political patronage. Support from many coalitions during
the election has led to speculation that a large allocation of positions has been reserved for
Prabowo-Gibran supporters, resulting in a larger cabinet compared to previous administrations. Not
only the size but also certain names within the cabinet lineup have drawn attention. Could political
patronage, a large supporting coalition, and political party intervention be the reasons behind this
oversized cabinet?

<div className="grid grid-cols-1 gap-4">
  <CabinetChart
    title="Cabinet Structure of the Reform Era"
    description="Number of cabinet members in the reform era 1998-2024."
    footnote="The Merah Putih cabinet is the largest cabinet in Indonesia's history, with 48 ministers."
  />

  <CompositionChart
    title="Comparison of Position Status, Political Status and Gender of the “Merah Putih” Cabinet"
    description="Comparison of the composition of the Merah Putih Cabinet."
    footnote="There is an imbalance between the number of men and women in the Merah Putih Cabinet."
  />
</div>

## Analysis of the Influence of the Presidential and Multiparty System on Ministerial Selection

The presidential system is adopted by the Indonesian government to bring about stability and a high
level of democracy. In this system, the President, as both head of state and head of government (a single
chief executive), exercises executive authority with the assistance of ministers. The President has the
prerogative to appoint and dismiss ministers, who are chosen to handle specific governmental responsibilities
to support the effective functioning of the administration in serving the widest possible public interest.
Therefore, the President, as the authority in filling ministerial and ministerial-equivalent positions, should
not base appointments on the logic of a parliamentary system, which is formed on the coalition of political
parties supporting the President and Vice President.

The primary criterion for ministerial selection should be competence rather than political services or
compensation for political party or group support for the President. While theoretically and normatively, it
is recommended that ministerial appointments in a presidential system should be based on work
competence rather than political services or group support for the President, in practice, Indonesia’s
ministerial appointments still tend to follow a political approach (Nugraha, 2017). Furthermore, Law
Number 39 of 2008 on State Ministries does not restrict the President from appointing ministers from
political parties. This is because the appointment of ministers is fully a presidential prerogative.

However, the issue arises when ministers from political parties are appointed without regard to the
quality, professionalism, and integrity of the candidate, often emphasizing the political patronage
aspect instead. This situation is compounded by the lack of a clear mechanism for evaluating the
quality, professionalism, and integrity of potential ministers to be appointed by the President. As a
result, some ministers have been implicated in corruption cases, and the performance of several
ministries has not met public expectations (Ansori, 2023).

## A Series of Controversies Surrounding Names in the Merah Putih Cabinet

Several names in the Merah Putih Cabinet have drawn public attention, some due to alleged corruption
and others for concerns about educational background authenticity. Two individuals frequently
discussed on social media for issues with their educational credentials are Raffi Ahmad and
Bahlil Lahadalia. First, Raffi Ahmad received an honorary degree from the Universal Institute of
Professional Management (UIPM) in Thailand. He was awarded an honorary doctorate (Dr. HC) in Event
Management and Global Digital Development. Following this, netizens began questioning the legitimacy
of Raffi’s honorary doctorate. The institution that awarded the degree was also scrutinized, leading
the government to recently decline recognition of Raffi Ahmad's honorary doctorate. In Indonesia,
private institutions and institutions from other countries must obtain government approval to offer
higher education degrees, according to Law Number 12 of 2012, as well as compliance with Minister of
Education and Culture Regulation Number 23 of 2023 regarding foreign institutions.

Second, Bahlil Lahadalia’s doctorate from the University of Indonesia, which he completed in under
two years, has also raised doubts. According to Andrinof Chaniago, a lecturer at the Faculty of Social
and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia, it is impossible to complete a doctoral program
within two years, even though a research track. The reading and analysis required to develop a critical
literature review alone typically takes about a year, excluding the time needed for drafting,
conducting field research, and receiving feedback from advisors. Additionally, there are suspicions
that Bahlil Lahadalia’s work was published in predatory journals, which are known to lack academic
standards. Publication in predatory journals raises potential ethical concerns and risks damaging the
University of Indonesia's reputation. The University of Indonesia's Council of Professors responded
by holding a meeting on October 18, 2024, to discuss the doctorate awarded by the School of Strategic
and Global Studies (SKSG) to the Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources, Bahlil Lahadalia (Lavenia
& Yanuar, 2024).

In addition to these two names, some ministers in the Merah Putih Cabinet have prior legal issues.
According to Koran Tempo (2024), one such minister is Dito Arjito, who was appointed as the Minister
of Youth and Sports and previously held the same position in the previous cabinet. Dito has a record
of corruption related to a telecommunications tower project (BTS) at the Ministry of Communication
and Information. Furthermore, former Deputy Minister of Law and Human Rights, Omar Sharif Hiariej
(Eddy Hiariej), has faced allegations of bribery and gratuities in 2023. Airlangga Hartarto, the
Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs, has also returned to his role under President Prabowo.
He has previously been implicated in allegations of corruption involving crude palm oil export licenses
(Nur, 2024b).

Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) responded to the appointment of names perceived as problematic in
President Prabowo’s administration through a press statement. ICW noted at least six major issues with
the formation of the Merah Putih Cabinet, which is the largest since the New Order and Reform Era.
Firstly, the primary reason for forming such an oversized cabinet was unclear, with no data or
analysis supporting the need for such a large number of government officials in the Merah Putih
Cabinet, which could impact bureaucracy and budget. Secondly, the selection of ministers and deputies
has ignored integrity and legal records, especially concerning alleged corruption.

A significant issue is that Prabowo did not utilize state resources to conduct in-depth background
checks on candidates, resulting in at least 18 ministers and deputy ministers with negative records
from the Jokowi administration. Additionally, there is a lack of clear evaluation criteria, especially
for ministers from Jokowi’s era who were reappointed. Moreover, the large Prabowo-Gibran supporting
coalition has led to transactional politics in cabinet appointments, with a “sharing the pie” mentality.
Lastly, many of Prabowo’s appointed ministers have business backgrounds or affiliations, which could make
them susceptible to business interests (ICW, 2024).

## Peeking into the Formula for the Composition of Ministerial Positions under President Prabowo's Leadership

The qualifications and competencies of the president, vice president, and ministers who assist the
president are crucial to establishing a constitutionally sound government that can fulfill the
constitutional promises outlined in the 1945 Constitution. According to Law Number 39 of 2008, it
is explicitly stated that ministers, as presidential aides, are responsible for specific sectors and
are tasked with achieving the national objectives embedded in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution.
This law also outlines six requirements for a person to be appointed as a minister. These requirements
are Indonesian citizenship, piety to God Almighty, loyalty to Pancasila as the state ideology, adherence
to the 1945 Constitution, commitment to the ideals of the proclamation of independence, physical and
mental health, integrity and good character, and no prior criminal convictions with a final and binding
court decision for crimes carrying a prison sentence of five years or more. Notably, these six
points do not include any requirement for the competency and expertise of a ministerial candidate. The
absence of these prerequisites for competency and expertise strips the ministerial role of its
philosophical essence. As is well known, ministers act as the president’s aides in specific areas
to achieve the nation’s goals as envisioned in the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution, which requires
the right expertise and competence for its realization. The lack of this requirement also creates
gaps, allowing the president and his coalition to fill ministerial seats as rewards for past campaign
efforts in presidential elections (Nggilu & Wantu, 2020).

The dark records of some ministerial names and their teams in the Merah Putih Cabinet, including
issues of legal problems, career background, corruption allegations, and controversial statements, cast
doubt on the potential for a zaken cabinet under President Prabowo's administration. Instead, signs of
transactional politics are evident, resulting in a rather bloated cabinet. This situation threatens
the realization of a zaken cabinet as desired by Prabowo, as transactional politics strongly influences
the cabinet’s composition (Kurniawan & Firmansyah, 2024). According to an article (Noor, 2024), there
are eight groups represented in Prabowo's Merah Putih Cabinet. First, the Merah Putih Cabinet includes
individuals who have been close to Prabowo for a long time. This group consists of military figures,
economic experts close to Prabowo, and, naturally, members of Prabowo’s party, Gerindra. The second
group comprises coalition parties that joined the KIM Plus coalition. The third includes political
parties that are not in coalition but are willing to cooperate, such as PKB and PKS. The "bohir" group,
or businessmen who have long supported Prabowo, including in the 2024 presidential election,
constitutes the fourth segment. The fifth group is influential mass organizations in Indonesia,
represented by Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah. The sixth group comprises professionals, including
academics and professors from leading universities. The seventh group is filled with people whom
Prabowo favors; they have significant influence due to large followings or fan bases and have proven
loyalty and contributions during the 2024 presidential election. The final group embodies a spirit
of national representation, encompassing diverse primordial and gender backgrounds. Based on these
eight groups in Prabowo's Merah Putih Cabinet, is there optimism for establishing a zaken cabinet?

## The Journey of Cabinet Formation in Indonesia: From the Natsir Cabinet to the Advanced Indonesia Cabinet

A zaken cabinet is a term given to a cabinet filled with professionals and experts in their assigned fields.
This cabinet is selected based on competence rather than political affiliation or party interests, aiming to
address political challenges through collaboration rooted in expertise and competence, not political ties
(Ismail & Setiawan, 2022). After independence, some Indonesian presidential cabinets became known as
zaken cabinets. Three frequently cited zaken cabinets include the Natsir Cabinet of 1950, the Wilopo
Cabinet of 1952-1953, and the Djuanda Cabinet of 1957. These cabinets were structured with composition
in mind, meaning they relied less on party and parliamentary support and more on individuals with
equal capacity who could work well together. However, even cabinets filled with professionals and experts
are not entirely free from political interests. The composition of a cabinet can be deemed zaken when
approximately 60%-70% of it consists of professionals and experts, with the remainder coming from
politicians (Aman, 2013).

Conversely, based on an analysis in a study by Yanto & Nugraha (2021), the last four cabinets: the United
Indonesia Cabinet Volume I (2004-2009), United Indonesia Cabinet Volume II (2009-2014), Working Cabinet (2014-2019),
and Advanced Indonesia Cabinet (2019-2024)—still used a political approach in filling ministerial positions.
This is evident from the following four points:

1. **High Political Party Intervention:** During President Jokowi’s leadership, PDI-P’s influence on cabinet
   composition was substantial. This was confirmed by a speech from Megawati, the party’s general chair,
   urging President Jokowi to ensure that PDI-P members held the majority of cabinet positions, as conveyed
   during the PDI-P congress.
2. **"Debt of Gratitude":** The concept of “debt of gratitude” is still frequently used to select ministers,
   disregarding the people's interests as a key factor in these choices. The notion that those who have
   contributed the most to the presidential and vice-presidential elections deserve priority must be set
   aside, especially by proposing parties that should give the president more time to choose his cabinet
   members. Political parties should have no grounds to intervene by appointing their cadres as ministers.
   Likewise, the president should resist influence to maintain independent decisions.
3. **Absence of Rigorous and Definitive Legislation:** There are currently no specific, clear, and strict
   laws establishing a fit-and-proper test mechanism for ministerial positions. As a result, issues such as
   appointments that overlook the quality, professionalism, and integrity of candidates arise. Moreover,
   the president’s prerogative often governs ministerial appointments, and as previously mentioned, political
   elements and interventions can impact this.
4. **Lack of Public Access to Ministerial Positions:** Lastly, there is no pathway for qualified members of
   the public to be nominated as ministers. Improving democracy is a reform goal, and one way to do this is by
   transforming the concept of representative democracy into participatory democracy, where citizens are more
   involved in governance and play a greater role. Unfortunately, the presidential selection process for ministerial
   positions does not reflect this principle.

## Revealing Important Aspects of Cabinet Formation in Government

Constitutional law grants the president the authority to select ministers for their cabinet, however
forming a cabinet is far from simple. Cabinet formation in Indonesia is often clouded by political issues
due to the overlap between the multiparty system in place and the presidential system used in Indonesia.
This combination of multiparty and presidential systems is one reason for transactional politics in ministerial
appointments, and it also hinders the establishment of an effective and stable government (Lestari, 2022).
This is partly because, under a multiparty-presidential system, the elected president may not be supported
by a parliamentary majority. Additionally, presidents from minority parties in parliament face challenges in
political negotiations with parliament. Other issues include non-permanent and non-binding coalitions and conflicts
of interest, particularly when ministers from political parties hold dual positions (Ansori, 2023).

In Indonesia, the challenge of implementing a presidential system within a multiparty context has
been evident across administrations. As a result, both Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo formed
cabinets involving coalition parties to bolster political support in parliament. This coalition aims to
ensure government stability and effectiveness, especially in relations with parliament (Mainwaring, 1990).

According to research (Ansori, 2023), there are at least three aspects to consider when forming a cabinet:

1. **Political Aspect:** From a political perspective, ministerial candidates, whether from political
   parties or not, need the support of all coalition parties backing the government. This is crucial because
   the president is supported by a coalition with differing ideologies, aspirations, and goals. Therefore,
   coalition parties’ political acceptance of ministerial candidates is vital to avoid internal conflicts
   that could lead to a coalition split (Hanan, 2016).
2. **Strategic Aspect:** The strategic aspect considers the managerial capabilities of a ministerial candidate
   in leading a ministry and their ability to translate the President’s vision into ministerial programs.
   This aspect is closely tied to leadership abilities, especially in adhering to the principles of good
   governance. Five ethical leadership principles include fairness, transparency, responsibility, efficiency,
   and freedom from conflicts of interest (Nugroho, 2013).
3. **Technocratic Aspect:** The technocratic aspect relates to the competence and integrity of ministerial
   candidates, indicating that a minister must possess sufficient competence for the role. Competence here
   means the ability and expertise needed to fulfill the responsibilities effectively. However, competence
   alone is insufficient without political integrity. According to Kleden, integrity guides a professional
   to follow moral rules and principles at work, demonstrating that public officials are aware of the
   standards they must uphold.
4. **Public Aspect:** The public aspect includes public acceptance of ministerial candidates who will join
   the cabinet. The president is elected not only by political parties but also by the people’s trust.
   Therefore, the public’s expectations expressed in various discussions about cabinet formation should
   be considered by the President as input on what the public wants for how the cabinet should operate.

## Conclusion

The journey of the Indonesian nation toward achieving its national ideals has faced numerous challenges
since independence was attained. Domestic political turmoil has persisted since the early days of Indonesia,
including in the process of cabinet formation. Ministers and their teams are appointed officials with the
responsibility of assisting the president in implementing various programs. Therefore, ministers must
possess the appropriate skills and competencies relevant to their fields.

The Merah Putih Cabinet, proposed by President Prabowo, was inaugurated after he officially took
office on October 20, 2024. This cabinet has garnered public attention due to its size, which is larger
than previous cabinets. Such a considerable size has naturally led to various assumptions regarding
indications of patronage politics, transactional politics, and accommodative politics. However, an
analysis of the government's system reveals that political maneuvering in cabinet formation in
Indonesia has been ongoing for a long time. It involves not only transactional issues but also relates
to the combination of a multiparty system with a presidential system, which inevitably leads to
political interventions at every stage, including the selection of ministers within a cabinet.

Given this combination of systems, it is hoped that Prabowo, as the holder of prerogative rights
in forming the Merah Putih Cabinet, can create a cabinet zaken that will assist him in running the
government. However, it is important to emphasize that the large size of the cabinet may result in
potential consequences, such as inefficiency leading to budget inflation. Furthermore, strict oversight
and control over government operations are essential to ensure effective governance.
