# Nakafa Framework: LLM

URL: /en/articles/politics/nepotism-in-political-governance
Source: https://raw.githubusercontent.com/nakafaai/nakafa.com/refs/heads/main/packages/contents/articles/politics/nepotism-in-political-governance/en.mdx

Output docs content for large language models.

---

import { StateTable } from "./table";
import { Stage } from "./stage";

export const metadata = {
  title:
    "Nepotism: The Machinations of Power in the Political Chessboard of Governance",
  description:
    "The creeping emergence of dynastic politics behind the opaque curtain of Indonesian governmental affairs raises substantial questions. Will Indonesia's democracy collapse?",
  authors: [
    {
      name: "Shifna Zihdatal Haq",
    },
  ],
  date: "03/19/2024",
};

## Abstract

The aim of this study is to examine the dynamics of nepotism within the democratic system of Indonesia.
Through secondary research drawn from various scholarly sources, it has been found that the practice of
nepotism remains deeply entrenched within the layers of contemporary political and governmental aspects.
Nepotism, having become a cultural norm, poses a formidable challenge due to the various risks it entails.
Issues such as corruption and the erosion of public trust resulting from weak governmental oversight are
attributed to the persistent erosion of the democratic system by nepotism. The emergence of the term
"Dynastic Politics" during President Jokowi's era has also sparked controversy, further seasoning the
practice of nepotism in Indonesia.

## Introduction

Personal interests rooted in conflicts of interest are regarded as nepotism. Nepotism emerges as a
hidden threat in public decision-making due to the presence of personal interests leading to conflicts.
Providing actual benefits to family members within the same organization also constitutes a form of
nepotism. A hallmark representing nepotism is the presence of family members within the same
organization (Tytko et al., 2020). According to Padgett & Morris (2005), nepotism takes two forms:
hereditary nepotism and matrimonial nepotism. Hereditary nepotism is referred to as intergenerational
nepotism and involves the appointment of family members and relatives to political positions.
Meanwhile, matrimonial nepotism, also known as marital nepotism, refers to the appointment of one spouse
to perform the same job when the other spouse is already employed in the same field. Regarding its
scope, according to Gjinovci & Gjinovci (2017), nepotism occurs in various fields including political
nepotism, familial nepotism, organizational nepotism, and employment-related nepotism.

## Problem Statement

The act of nepotism is considered perilous, particularly in the appointment of government officials, as the
potential for corruption and abuse of authority is significantly heightened. Moreover, nepotism is seen as
the precursor to the abuse of power for personal gain, leading to an increased likelihood of engaging in
corruption (Siegert A, 2008). This personal gain refers to favoring genetic relatives over non-family members,
regardless of their professional background and achievements. In some countries adhering to non-democratic systems,
nepotism is prevalent due to the concentration of power within individuals or small groups. How does this phenomenon
manifest in countries like Indonesia, which adhere to a democratic system?

## Observing Nepotism During The Reformasi Era

In essence, as a democratic state, the practice of nepotism can be restricted or even eradicated. However,
the prevailing reality indicates that nepotism has become a deeply rooted cultural norm permeating every
stratum of society. The proliferation of nepotism, coupled with corruption and collusion in Indonesia, emerged
during the authoritarian the New Order (Orde Baru) regime (Ismansyah & Sulistyo, 2010). Following the end of
the New Order era, it became evident that the practices of nepotism, corruption, and collusion had become
entrenched traditions in Indonesia, marked by low levels of good governance quality. This assertion is
supported by research conducted by Huther & Shah (1998), which used Indonesia as one of the samples in
their study conducted in 1998 regarding the quality of good governance in Asian countries. The study revealed
that Indonesia was categorized as having poor governance. This categorization was determined based on the
government quality index, which measures the efficiency of the judiciary, corruption index, and good governance
index.

<StateTable caption="State of Good Governance in Southeast Asia (1999)." />

The Reformasi period in Indonesia is counted from the resignation of Soeharto on May 21, 1998, until the present day.
Consequently, the Reformasi era has lasted for over two decades, encompassing the leadership tenures of various
presidents, including President B.J. Habibie, President Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), President Megawati Soekarnoputri,
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), and others. The multidimensional crisis that
occurred in 1997 led to societal demands for reform across all layers of society, including politics, economics,
law, and bureaucracy (Primanto et al., 2014). Nepotism, which is also a legacy of the New Order regime, continues
to be scrutinized for its existence. Nepotism remains one of the leading causes of rampant corruption offenses to
this day. Its tangible presence is felt in both the public and private sectors across various regions, particularly
in the placement of individuals in crucial positions, often resulting in the abuse of power, especially concerning
the management of state finances (Ismansyah & Sulistyo, 2010).

In 1998, the New Order (Orde Baru) era came to an end, ushering in the Reformasi period under the leadership of
B.J. Habibie as the President of the Republic of Indonesia at that time. Efforts to eradicate the practice of
nepotism were made during this period through the issuance of Regulation No. XI/MPR/1998 concerning the
implementation of clean governance free from Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism (Primanto et al., 2014).
The Reformasi era, characterized as a transitional period, played a crucial role in overseeing the government's
efforts to eradicate the practice of nepotism. The dynamics of combating nepotism were marked by challenging journeys,
evidenced by the change from the previous MPR decree, TAP MPR 11/1998, to TAP MPR 8/2001 (Martiningsih, 2017).

## Fertilizing the Resurgence of Nepotism Through Dynastic Politics in Indonesia

Does nepotism, which has been a controversy since the old order, still have a presence in the era of
President Jokowi's reform? Referring to research (Aziz & Wahid, 2021) (Asrawijaya, 2022) and (Nika, 2021),
which discusses the analysis of the coverage of Jokowi's dynastic politics, it was found that the issue of
dynastic politics during President Jokowi's era began with the Regional Head Elections (Pilkada) in 2020.
This election garnered significant attention due to the emergence of candidates from the family of the
President of the Republic of Indonesia at that time, Ir. Joko Widodo. Jokowi's son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka,
ran for mayor in Solo, while Jokowi's son-in-law, Boby Nasution, ran for mayor in Medan. Their candidacies
have drawn pros and cons, stating that their actions are considered immoral and do not show justice in the
political arena in Indonesia. In addition, Gibran's experience in politics is still relatively early, raising
questions regarding what is the main factor for Gibran's high electability to achieve his victory in the 2020
Pilkada (Syanur et al., 2023). The victory of both candidates resulted in the family of President Jokowi
joining the political dynasty in Indonesia.

The emergence of Gibran Rakabuming Raka as a vice presidential candidate to accompany Prabowo Subianto
provides evidence of dynastic politics in Indonesia (Aulia et al., 2023). Not only that, but the emergence
of Gibran Rakabuming Raka as a vice-presidential candidate alongside Prabowo Subianto also provides evidence
that the "family gathering" model of dynastic politics is occurring in Indonesia (Aulia et al., 2023).
Before delving further into the discussion of dynastic politics, it is important to note that this phenomenon
originates from monarchic states. However, in countries with democratic systems, political dynasties
have long been prevalent. The concept of dynasties refers to the political power wielded by a group of
individuals who are bound by kinship or familial ties with the aim of obtaining, maintaining, and
perpetuating power (Aulia et al., 2023). The next question is whether the phenomenon of Gibran Rakabuming Raka's
rise as mayor in 2020 and vice-presidential candidate in 2024, as well as Bobby Nasution as mayor of Medan,
is a form of dynastic politics. As quoted from a political observer and consultant, Eep Saefullah Fatah,
in a healthy democracy, there must be three stages of the political process:

<Stage title="3 Stages of a Good Democratic Political Process" />

1. Selection, wherein a meritocratic system provides opportunities to individuals based on their competencies.
2. Election, which is the formal process of determining leaders and the acceptance or rejection of political propositions through voting.
3. Delivery, where elected officials must act in the public interest, not personal or familial interests.

The three processes above must be followed, if the process is not followed it can be considered a step
towards dynastic politics. The Constitutional Court's decision regarding the change in the age limit for
presidential and vice-presidential candidates in article 13 of the PKPU on Presidential and Vice-Presidential
Candidacy, which is a derivative of Law Number 7 of 2017 Article 169 letter q concerning elections, the age
limit for presidential and vice-presidential candidates is at least 40 years old has drawn criticism
(Aulia et al., 2023). There are allegations of political maneuvers in it because of the amendment to the
Law resulting in Constitutional Court Decision Number 90 / PUU-XXI / 2023 concerning Additional Provisions
for Experience in Office from Election Election Eligibility in the Minimum Age Requirements for Presidential
/ Vice Presidential Candidates. The decision ultimately succeeded in bringing Gibran to qualify as a vice
president in the 2024 election contestation (Syanur et al., 2023). The decision also reflects efforts to
build dynastic politics, not only at the election stage, but also in the selection and decision-making process.

At the selection process stage, the nomination of Gibran Rakabuming Raka as vice president provides an indication
that it does not provide opportunities for all parties who have more qualified competencies. As explained by
(Syanur et al., 2023), that Gibran's competence in politics is still very early to compete in the consistency of
elections, but because Jokowi has quite militant supporters, it gives Gibran the opportunity to advance as a
candidate for vice president of Indonesia. The Constitutional Court (MK), chaired by Anwar Usman as President
Jokowi's brother-in-law, changed the rule so that Gibran Rakabuming, President Jokowi's son, who is running as a
vice presidential candidate for Prabowo Subianto, can still run because he has experience as Mayor of Solo despite
being under 40 years old. This decision shows the tendency of dynastic politics, because it involves policies
that are allegedly used for family interests so that the delivery process at a healthy democratic stage has been
violated (Aulia et al., 2023).

The stipulation of provisions related to the minimum age of presidential and vice-presidential candidates
changed by Anwar Usman as chairman of the Constitutional Court according to research (Zulqarnain et al., 2023),
(Bintang et al., 2023) and (Ulum & Sukarno, 2023), has also violated the principles of the code of ethics which
include the principle of impartiality, the principle of integrity, the principle of skill and accuracy, the principle
of independence, and the principle of appropriateness and decency. The Constitutional Court's decision regarding
the stipulation of the regulation was reached with a majority vote that was not unanimous, due to differences of
opinion between constitutional judges. The dissent, from a legal perspective, shows that the majority opinion should
be the one followed. However, what is more problematic is that the change in the substance of the decree was
done in a short period of time where it should have taken a long time to change the substance of the decree
(Suzeeta & Lewoleba, 2023). Therefore, the process of changing this regulation is a concern regarding the
possibility of interference from other parties with different interests. Therefore, it can be said that a
healthy democratic process is no longer a step towards achieving power.

## Further Examining Assumptions related to Dynastic Politics

Based on several studies that reveal the dynastic politics by President Jokowi, it states that dynastic politics
is the same as the practice of nepotism which has the effect of abuse of power, laziness, non-transparency,
indecisiveness, poor quality of competence, violation of rules, broken promises. Dynastic politics has an impact
on negative things such as corruption, collusion, nepotism, undermining democracy, destroying order in government
institutions and society (Suryono et al., 2018). Added from research (Aulia et al., 2023), dynastic politics provides
pros and cons in its implementation. Dynastic politics is considered to provide stability and continuity in leadership
because the presence of family members in the political system provides flexibility to coordinate. However, the cons
assume that dynastic politics can increase the risk of corruption, collusion and nepotism practices. The existence of
dynastic politics can cause damage to democracy, especially since Indonesia is a democratic country. This can lead
to weak control over power.

## Conclusion

The dynamics of nepotism in politics and government are crucial issues to be addressed. Personal interests in
public decisions must continue to be removed for the sake of people's trust in their leaders. Nepotism, which
has been trying to be eliminated since the collapse of the New Order, has again undermined the integrity of the
Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. Not only at the top level, but the regional head elections have
also been contaminated with indications of nepotism. The danger of nepotism is no longer just material losses
such as the potential for corruption, misuse of authority and violation of rules, but more than that, the decline
and destruction of the pillars of democracy as a system of government in Indonesia can occur.