Abstract
President Prabowo's leadership era began on October 20, 2024, and on the same day, the announcement of the Merah Putih Cabinet was also made. This study analyzes the selection of ministers under President Prabowo’s leadership amidst Indonesia's multiparty and presidential system. Using qualitative research from various research sources, reports, and relevant data. This study finds that cabinet selection in Indonesia cannot be separated from political intervention.
Introduction
The "Merah Putih" Cabinet was announced by Prabowo Subianto at the Merdeka Palace on October 20, 2024, immediately after he was officially inaugurated as President for the 2024-2029 period. The announcement was made to the media, accompanied by Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka and the Gerindra Party Daily Chairman, Sufmi Dasco Ahmad. Presidential Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 139 of 2024 on the Organization of Duties and Functions of the Ministries of the Merah Putih Cabinet for the 2024-2029 Period outlines the composition of the Merah Putih Cabinet, consisting of ministers and officials with ministerial rank, including coordinating ministers; ministers; and officials with ministerial rank, as well as deputy ministers (Cabinet Secretariat of the Republic of Indonesia, 2024).
In addition, during this inauguration, Prabowo appointed ministerial-level officials, namely the Attorney General, the Head and Deputy Head of the Presidential Staff Office, the Head of the State Intelligence Agency, the Head of the Presidential Communications Office, and the Chairperson of the National Economic Council. This composition makes it the largest cabinet structure since the New Order to the Reform Era. This oversized cabinet structure was not surprising for the public, as on October 14, 2024, Prabowo summoned several prominent figures to his residence. On that date, Sri Mulyani, Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono, Yusril Ihza Mahendra, Bahlil Lahadalia, and Muhaimin Iskandar were present at Prabowo’s residence. Nusron Wahid, Saifullah Yusuf, Yandri Susanto, Fadli Zon, Prasetyo Hadi, Natalius Pigai, Maruarar Sirait, Abdul Kadir Karding, and Teuku Riefky Harsya also appeared in response to Prabowo's invitation. A total of people met Prabowo from afternoon until night to sign their willingness to serve as candidates for Prabowo’s government ministers (BBC, 2024).
This oversized cabinet has sparked various assumptions among different segments of society. One suspicion for the size of this cabinet is political patronage. Support from many coalitions during the election has led to speculation that a large allocation of positions has been reserved for Prabowo-Gibran supporters, resulting in a larger cabinet compared to previous administrations. Not only the size but also certain names within the cabinet lineup have drawn attention. Could political patronage, a large supporting coalition, and political party intervention be the reasons behind this oversized cabinet?
Analysis of the Influence of the Presidential and Multiparty System on Ministerial Selection
The presidential system is adopted by the Indonesian government to bring about stability and a high level of democracy. In this system, the President, as both head of state and head of government (a single chief executive), exercises executive authority with the assistance of ministers. The President has the prerogative to appoint and dismiss ministers, who are chosen to handle specific governmental responsibilities to support the effective functioning of the administration in serving the widest possible public interest. Therefore, the President, as the authority in filling ministerial and ministerial-equivalent positions, should not base appointments on the logic of a parliamentary system, which is formed on the coalition of political parties supporting the President and Vice President.
The primary criterion for ministerial selection should be competence. Political services or compensation for party and group support should not decide an appointment. In theory and under the norms of a presidential system, ministerial appointments should be based on the candidate's ability to do the work. In practice, Indonesia’s ministerial appointments still tend to follow a political approach (Nugraha, 2017). Furthermore, Law Number 39 of 2008 on State Ministries does not restrict the President from appointing ministers from political parties. This is because the appointment of ministers is fully a presidential prerogative.
However, the issue arises when ministers from political parties are appointed without regard to the quality, professionalism, and integrity of the candidate, often emphasizing the political patronage aspect instead. This situation is compounded by the lack of a clear mechanism for evaluating the quality, professionalism, and integrity of potential ministers to be appointed by the President. As a result, some ministers have been implicated in corruption cases, and the performance of several ministries has not met public expectations (Ansori, 2023).
A Series of Controversies Surrounding Names in the Merah Putih Cabinet
Several names in the Merah Putih Cabinet have drawn public attention, some due to alleged corruption and others for concerns about educational background authenticity. Two individuals frequently discussed on social media for issues with their educational credentials are Raffi Ahmad and Bahlil Lahadalia. First, Raffi Ahmad received an honorary degree from the Universal Institute of Professional Management (UIPM) in Thailand. He was awarded an honorary doctorate (Dr. HC) in Event Management and Global Digital Development. Following this, netizens began questioning the legitimacy of Raffi’s honorary doctorate. The institution that awarded the degree was also scrutinized, leading the government to recently decline recognition of Raffi Ahmad's honorary doctorate. In Indonesia, private institutions and institutions from other countries must obtain government approval to offer higher education degrees, according to Law Number 12 of 2012, as well as compliance with Minister of Education and Culture Regulation Number 23 of 2023 regarding foreign institutions.
Second, Bahlil Lahadalia’s doctorate from the University of Indonesia, which he completed in under two years, has also raised doubts. According to Andrinof Chaniago, a lecturer at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia, it is impossible to complete a doctoral program within two years, even though a research track. The reading and analysis required to develop a critical literature review alone typically takes about a year, excluding the time needed for drafting, conducting field research, and receiving feedback from advisors. Additionally, there are suspicions that Bahlil Lahadalia’s work was published in predatory journals, which are known to lack academic standards. Publication in predatory journals raises potential ethical concerns and risks damaging the University of Indonesia's reputation. The University of Indonesia's Council of Professors responded by holding a meeting on October 18, 2024, to discuss the doctorate awarded by the School of Strategic and Global Studies (SKSG) to the Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources, Bahlil Lahadalia (Lavenia & Yanuar, 2024).
In addition to these two names, some ministers in the Merah Putih Cabinet have prior legal issues. According to Koran Tempo (2024), one such minister is Dito Arjito, who was appointed as the Minister of Youth and Sports and previously held the same position in the previous cabinet. Dito has a record of corruption related to a telecommunications tower project (BTS) at the Ministry of Communication and Information. Furthermore, former Deputy Minister of Law and Human Rights, Omar Sharif Hiariej (Eddy Hiariej), has faced allegations of bribery and gratuities in 2023. Airlangga Hartarto, the Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs, has also returned to his role under President Prabowo. He has previously been implicated in allegations of corruption involving crude palm oil export licenses (Nur, 2024b).
Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) responded to the appointment of names perceived as problematic in President Prabowo’s administration through a press statement. ICW noted at least six major issues with the formation of the Merah Putih Cabinet, which is the largest since the New Order and Reform Era. Firstly, the primary reason for forming such an oversized cabinet was unclear, with no data or analysis supporting the need for such a large number of government officials in the Merah Putih Cabinet, which could impact bureaucracy and budget. Secondly, the selection of ministers and deputies has ignored integrity and legal records, especially concerning alleged corruption.
A significant issue is that Prabowo did not use state resources to conduct thorough background checks on candidates, resulting in at least ministers and deputy ministers with negative records from the Jokowi administration. Additionally, there is a lack of clear evaluation criteria, especially for ministers from Jokowi’s era who were reappointed. Moreover, the large Prabowo-Gibran supporting coalition has led to transactional politics in cabinet appointments, with a “sharing the pie” mentality. Lastly, many of Prabowo’s appointed ministers have business backgrounds or affiliations, which could make them susceptible to business interests (ICW, 2024).
Peeking into the Formula for the Composition of Ministerial Positions under President Prabowo's Leadership
The qualifications and competencies of the president, vice president, and ministers who assist the president are needed to establish a constitutionally sound government that can fulfill the constitutional promises outlined in the 1945 Constitution. According to Law Number 39 of 2008, it is explicitly stated that ministers, as presidential aides, are responsible for specific sectors and are tasked with achieving the national objectives embedded in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution. This law also outlines six requirements for a person to be appointed as a minister. These requirements are Indonesian citizenship, piety to God Almighty, loyalty to Pancasila as the state ideology, adherence to the 1945 Constitution, commitment to the ideals of the proclamation of independence, physical and mental health, integrity and good character, and no prior criminal convictions with a final and binding court decision for crimes carrying a prison sentence of or more. Notably, these six points do not include any requirement for the competency and expertise of a ministerial candidate. The absence of these prerequisites for competency and expertise strips the ministerial role of its philosophical essence. As is well known, ministers act as the president’s aides in specific areas to achieve the nation’s goals as envisioned in the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution, which requires the right expertise and competence for its realization. The lack of this requirement also creates gaps, allowing the president and his coalition to fill ministerial seats as rewards for past campaign efforts in presidential elections (Nggilu & Wantu, 2020).
The dark records of some ministerial names and their teams in the Merah Putih Cabinet, including issues of legal problems, career background, corruption allegations, and controversial statements, cast doubt on the potential for a zaken cabinet under President Prabowo's administration. Instead, signs of transactional politics are evident, resulting in a rather bloated cabinet. This situation threatens the realization of a zaken cabinet as desired by Prabowo, as transactional politics strongly influences the cabinet’s composition (Kurniawan & Firmansyah, 2024). According to an article (Noor, 2024), there are eight groups represented in Prabowo's Merah Putih Cabinet. First, the Merah Putih Cabinet includes individuals who have been close to Prabowo for a long time. This group consists of military figures, economic experts close to Prabowo, and, naturally, members of Prabowo’s party, Gerindra. The second group comprises coalition parties that joined the KIM Plus coalition. The third includes political parties outside the coalition that are willing to cooperate, such as PKB and PKS. The "bohir" group, or businessmen who have long supported Prabowo, including in the 2024 presidential election, constitutes the fourth segment. The fifth group is influential mass organizations in Indonesia, represented by Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah. The sixth group comprises professionals, including academics and professors from leading universities. The seventh group is filled with people whom Prabowo favors; they have significant influence due to large followings or fan bases and have proven loyalty and contributions during the 2024 presidential election. The final group embodies a spirit of national representation, encompassing diverse primordial and gender backgrounds. Based on these eight groups in Prabowo's Merah Putih Cabinet, is there optimism for establishing a zaken cabinet?
The Journey of Cabinet Formation in Indonesia: From the Natsir Cabinet to the Advanced Indonesia Cabinet
A zaken cabinet is a term given to a cabinet filled with professionals and experts in their assigned fields. Its members are chosen for their competence. They work together to address political challenges with knowledge and relevant skills, while party affiliation has less influence on their selection (Ismail & Setiawan, 2022). After independence, some Indonesian presidential cabinets became known as zaken cabinets. Three frequently cited zaken cabinets include the Natsir Cabinet of 1950, the Wilopo Cabinet of 1952-1953, and the Djuanda Cabinet of 1957. These cabinets were structured with composition in mind, meaning they relied less on party and parliamentary support and more on individuals with equal capacity who could work well together. However, even cabinets filled with professionals and experts are not entirely free from political interests. The composition of a cabinet can be deemed zaken when approximately of it consists of professionals and experts, with the remainder coming from politicians (Aman, 2013).
Conversely, based on an analysis in a study by Yanto & Nugraha (2021), the last four cabinets: the United Indonesia Cabinet Volume I (2004-2009), United Indonesia Cabinet Volume II (2009-2014), Working Cabinet (2014-2019), and Advanced Indonesia Cabinet (2019-2024), still used a political approach in filling ministerial positions. This is evident from the following four points:
- High Political Party Intervention: During President Jokowi’s leadership, PDI-P’s influence on cabinet composition was substantial. This was confirmed by a speech from Megawati, the party’s general chair, urging President Jokowi to ensure that PDI-P members held the majority of cabinet positions, as conveyed during the PDI-P congress.
- "Debt of Gratitude": The concept of “debt of gratitude” is still frequently used to select ministers, disregarding the people's interests as a key factor in these choices. The notion that those who have contributed the most to the presidential and vice-presidential elections deserve priority must be set aside, especially by proposing parties that should give the president more time to choose his cabinet members. Political parties should have no grounds to intervene by appointing their cadres as ministers. Likewise, the president should resist influence to maintain independent decisions.
- Absence of Rigorous and Definitive Legislation: There are currently no specific, clear, and strict laws establishing a fit-and-proper test mechanism for ministerial positions. As a result, issues such as appointments that overlook the quality, professionalism, and integrity of candidates arise. Moreover, the president’s prerogative often governs ministerial appointments, and as previously mentioned, political elements and interventions can impact this.
- Lack of Public Access to Ministerial Positions: Lastly, there is no pathway for qualified members of the public to be nominated as ministers. Improving democracy is a reform goal, and one way to do this is by transforming the concept of representative democracy into participatory democracy, where citizens are more involved in governance and play a greater role. Unfortunately, the presidential selection process for ministerial positions does not reflect this principle.
Revealing Important Aspects of Cabinet Formation in Government
Constitutional law grants the president the authority to select ministers for their cabinet, however forming a cabinet is far from simple. Cabinet formation in Indonesia is often clouded by political issues due to the overlap between the multiparty system in place and the presidential system used in Indonesia. This combination of multiparty and presidential systems is one reason for transactional politics in ministerial appointments, and it also hinders the establishment of an effective and stable government (Lestari, 2022). This is partly because, under a multiparty-presidential system, the elected president may not be supported by a parliamentary majority. Additionally, presidents from minority parties in parliament face challenges in political negotiations with parliament. Other issues include non-permanent and non-binding coalitions and conflicts of interest, particularly when ministers from political parties hold dual positions (Ansori, 2023).
In Indonesia, the challenge of implementing a presidential system within a multiparty context has been evident across administrations. As a result, both Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo formed cabinets involving coalition parties to bolster political support in parliament. This coalition aims to ensure government stability and effectiveness, especially in relations with parliament (Mainwaring, 1990).
According to research (Ansori, 2023), there are at least three aspects to consider when forming a cabinet:
- Political Aspect: From a political perspective, ministerial candidates, whether from political parties or not, need the support of all coalition parties backing the government. This support matters because the president is supported by a coalition with differing ideologies, aspirations, and goals. Therefore, coalition parties’ political acceptance of ministerial candidates is vital to avoid internal conflicts that could lead to a coalition split (Hanan, 2016).
- Strategic Aspect: The strategic aspect considers the managerial capabilities of a ministerial candidate in leading a ministry and their ability to translate the President’s vision into ministerial programs. This aspect is closely tied to leadership abilities, especially in adhering to the principles of good governance. Five ethical leadership principles include fairness, transparency, responsibility, efficiency, and freedom from conflicts of interest (Nugroho, 2013).
- Technocratic Aspect: The technocratic aspect relates to the competence and integrity of ministerial candidates, indicating that a minister must possess sufficient competence for the role. Competence here means the ability and expertise needed to fulfill the responsibilities effectively. However, competence alone is insufficient without political integrity. According to Kleden, integrity guides a professional to follow moral rules and principles at work, demonstrating that public officials are aware of the standards they must uphold.
- Public Aspect: The public aspect includes public acceptance of ministerial candidates who will join the cabinet. The president relies on support from political parties and on the people's trust. Therefore, the public’s expectations expressed in various discussions about cabinet formation should be considered by the President as input on what the public wants for how the cabinet should operate.
Risks of a Larger Cabinet
The journey of the Indonesian nation toward achieving its national ideals has faced numerous challenges since independence was attained. Domestic political turmoil has persisted since the early days of Indonesia, including in the process of cabinet formation. Ministers and their teams are appointed officials with the responsibility of assisting the president in implementing various programs. Therefore, ministers must possess the appropriate skills and competencies relevant to their fields.
The Merah Putih Cabinet, proposed by President Prabowo, was inaugurated after he officially took office on October 20, 2024. This cabinet has garnered public attention due to its size, which is larger than previous cabinets. Such a considerable size has naturally led to various assumptions regarding indications of patronage politics, transactional politics, and accommodative politics. However, an analysis of the government's system reveals that political maneuvering in cabinet formation in Indonesia has been ongoing for a long time. Transactional issues and the combination of a multiparty system with a presidential system both create room for political interventions at every stage, including the selection of ministers within a cabinet.
Given this combination of systems, it is hoped that Prabowo, as the holder of prerogative rights in forming the Merah Putih Cabinet, can create a cabinet zaken that will assist him in running the government. However, it is important to emphasize that the large size of the cabinet may result in potential consequences, such as inefficiency leading to budget inflation. Furthermore, strict oversight and control over government operations are essential to ensure effective governance.